David R. Knechtges

Ban Gu 班固 (32–92), zi Mengjian 孟堅

Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature

Eastern Han writer and historian.

Ban Gu’s natal place was Anling 安陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (northeast of modern Xianyang 咸陽, Shaanxi). He was the son of Ban Biao 班彪 (3–54). His twin brother Ban Chao 班超 (32–102) was a famous military man and explorer, and his younger sister Ban Zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120) was one of the most distinguished female scholars in Chinese history. According to his biography in the Hou Han shu (40A. 1330), already at the age of nine Ban Gu “was able to compose essays and chant the Classic of Songs and fu.” He was an avid reader, and as he grew older, he was thoroughly conversant with the major schools of learning. In 54, when Ban Gu was twenty-two, his father died. He re turned to the family home in Anling northwest of Chang’an. Greatly saddened by his father’s death, Ban spent a period of contemplation and introspection, pondering what direction he should follow in his life. Ban then wrote a long poem titled “You tong fu” 幽通賦. (Fu on communicating with the hidden) in which he examines how the unseen world, the realm of what he calls the “hidden men” influences human life. At the end of the poem he quotes Confucius and Mencius to support his belief that the moral man must keep himself intact (bao shen 保身), adopt what is right (qu yi 取誼), and above all, not die an early death from grief and excessive self-pity.

After his father’s death, Ban Gu remained at home in Anling engaging in scholarship. In 58, he presented a petition to Emperor Ming’s brother, Liu Cang 劉蒼 (d. 83), Prince of Dongping 東平, who had issued a summons to recruit worthy men to his service. Ban Gu recommended six men and hinted that he himself was also worthy of selection. Although Liu Cang was impressed with Ban Gu’s petition, he did not offer him a position.

Before his death, Ban Biao had begun work on a supplement to Sima Qian’s Shi ji. Ban Gu took up the task of completing his father’s work. In 62 someone learned of his project and accused him before Emperor Ming (r. 58–75) of privately revising the national history. The emperor ordered Ban Gu arrested and had his family library confiscated. His brother Ban Chao inter ceded on his behalf, and the Emperor ordered Ban Gu released. In the same year he was assigned to the Magnolia Terrace as a foreman clerk (ling shi 令史), in which capacity he worked on compiling the annals of the first Later Han emperor, Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57), along with bio graphies of important figures of that era. In 64, Ban was promoted to the post of gentleman and put in charge of collating books in the imperial collection. The emperor was so impressed with the quality of Ban Gu’s scholarship, in 66 he granted him permission to resume compilation of his Former Han history, on which he worked for over twenty-five years until his death in 92.

During Emperor Ming’s reign, in addition to compiling his history, Ban Gu continued to write fu. It was probably during this period that he wrote his longest and most famous fu, “Liang du fu” 兩都賦” (Fu on the Two Capitals), which is the first piece in the Wen xuan The text, minus the preface, also is in Ban Gu’s Hou Han shu biography. The two capitals of the title are the Han metropolises of Chang’an and Luoyang. Chang’an, the Western Capital, was the capital of the Former Han. After the fall of Wang Mang in 23, it briefly served as the capital of the Gengshi 更始 Emperor (r. 23–25) until he was overthrown by the Red Eyebrows rebels in the summer of c.e. 25. The rebels burned the palaces, chambers, markets, and wards with the result that Chang’an became a virtual ruin. Luoyang, the Eastern Capital, was the capital established by Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57), the founding emperor of the Later Han, who undertook a major recon struction of the Southern Palace. Guangwu’s successor, Emperor Ming, continued expanding the palace complex, and between 60 and 65, the Northern Palace was reconstructed. It was probably during this period that Ban Gu composed “Fu on the Two Capitals.”

Ban Gu considered his fu important enough to write a preface in which he presents his views on the history of the fu and what he considered its proper function to be. In the first line of the preface, Ban asserts that the fu was a genre or “outflow” (liu ) of the Shi or Classic of Songs. Ban Gu probably derives his definition of the fu from the Classic of Songs exegetical tradition in which fu designates a technique of recitation or composition involving direct display or exposition. Thus, Ban Gu has extended this sense of fu to signify a putative genre of the Shi. It is quite probable that by Ban Gu’s time there was no clear distinction between fu as a poetic principle and as a literary form, and in fact the features of the fu form itself very likely led Han exegetes to define fu of the poetic principles as direct exposition.

Ban Gu does not, however, stress fu in the sense of exposition, but rather links it with one of the true genres of the Shi, the “Song” or “Eulogia.” In one section of the preface, Ban gives a brief history of the genre, and in his account he stress es that during the Former Han, when the fu began to flourish, it was primarily a court-centered activity, particularly during the reign of Emperor Wu, who appointed officials to office for their writing skills. Although Ban Gu acknowledges that the fu had two functions, one eulogistic, and the other monitory, he strongly emphasizes that the primary function of the form was to praise the grand accomplishments of the ruler. Thus, his fu is a poem in praise of the newly founded Eastern Han dynasty.

In 74, Ban Gu wrote an essay titled “Dian yin” 典引 (Elaboration on the canon), in which he praises the Later Han imperial house as the legitimate successor to the sage ruler Yao. For example, in the preface to this work he says: “For the longest time have I received instruction at the National university, and deeply have I partaken of imperial favor. Truly I hope to give all my heart and strength to repay what I have received though it be boundless as vast Heaven.” He then goes on to say: “I have dared to compose ‘Elaboration on the Canon.’ Although not even one part in ten thousand sufficiently expresses the gentle harmony and brilliant splendor of our age, it still may serve to incite the resentful, awaken youthful folly, and brightly praise the great Han so that its fame outreaches that of eras past. Then, when I enter the boiling chasm, I shall die content that my work shall never perish.”

Although Ban Gu was much admired as a writer and scholar, he held the relatively low position of gentleman, and other than writing poems at imperial command, he was principally employed as a collator of texts in the imperial library. Sensitive to criticism that his learning and literary skills won him no “merit,” in 77 Ban Gu composed “Da bin xi” 答賓戲 (Replying to a guest’s jest), which is similar to Yang Xiong’s “Justification against Ridicule.” However, unlike Yang Xiong’s work, Ban Gu’s piece is not an attack on the court of his times, but like his other works, actually praises the Han imperial rule.

During the reign of Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88), who was an ardent devotee of literature, Ban Gu obtained special favor primarily because of his skill as a writer. “Whenever the emperor traveled on an inspection tour, Gu presented him with fu and song.” Excerpts from two eulogies Ban Gu wrote for imperial inspection tours to the south and east have been preserved. In 84, Ban Gu wrote “Nan xun song” 南巡頌 (Eulogy on the southern inspection tour) for an imperial tour of the southern capital of Nanyang, which was the home of Emperor Guangwu. In 85, he composed “Dong xun song” 東巡頌 (Eulogy on the eastern inspection tour) to commemorate Emperor Zhang’s visit to Mount Tai and other places in Shandong. Also composing eulogies for these occasions were Fu Yi 傅毅 (ca. 47–92) and Cui Yin 崔駰 (30?–92).

During the reign of Emperor Zhang, Ban Gu was promoted (78) to marshal of the Black Warrior Gate, a position with more prestige and a higher salary (1,000 bushels). In 79, he was given the task of editing the proceedings of an important scholarly conference on the classics held in the White Tiger Hall. He is attributed with authoring a summary of the discussions titled Bo hu tong 白虎通 (Comprehensive account of the White Tiger Hall discussion), which is also sometimes referred to as Bo hu tong yi 白虎通義 (Comprehensive meaning of the White Tiger Hall discussions) or Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論 (Comprehensive account of the White Tiger Hall discussions plus a disquisition on virtue?). However, some scholars have questioned the attribution of this work to Ban Gu.

After his mother died in 88, Ban Gu resigned his position, but returned to government service the following year as an aide to Dou Xian 竇憲 (d. 92), who was an elder brother of Emperor Zhang’s empress. Dou Xian was also the great-grandson of Dou Rong whom Ban Gu’s father Ban Biao had served before he went to the imperial court at the beginning of the Eastern Han. Thus, the Dou and Ban families had close connections. In 89, Dou Xian led an army of 30, 000 men on an expedition against the Northern Xiongnu in modern Mongolia. Ban Gu accompanied Dou Xian on this campaign. Dou Xian’s army defeated the Xiongnu at the Jiluo 稽落 Mountains (northwest of Dalandzadgad). 20, 000 Xiongnu reputedly surrendered to the Han army. To commemorate the victory, Dou Xian had a stele carved at the Yanran 燕然 Mountains (the modern Hangai in Mongolia). Ban Gu wrote the text of the inscription titled “Feng Yanran shan ming” 封燕然山銘 (Inscription for the ceremonial mounding at the Yanran Mountains).

Although Dou Xian received much honor and acclaim for his successful Xiongnu expedition, in 92, Emperor He (r. 89–105), suspecting him of plotting a revolt against the throne, had him arrested and sent to his estate, where he was forced to commit suicide. As a member of Dou Xian’s entourage, Ban Gu was dismissed from office. The magistrate of Luoyang, who had harbored a grudge against Ban Gu, ordered his arrest. Ban Gu died in his sixty-first year in the capital prison.

Ban Gu’s biography in the Hou Han shu says that he composed forty-one literary pieces including “Dian yin,” “[Da] bin xi,” “Ying ji” “應譏, and writings in the genres of fu, inscription, poem, eulogy, letter, wen (essay?), note, disquisition, opinion, and liuyan 六言 (hexameter verse?). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu listed Ban Gu’s collected works in seventeen juan, while the two Tang histories record it in ten juan. The collection was lost in the Song. Later collections are reconstructions.

Ban Gu was a major fu writer of the Han. His magnum opus was the “Liang du fu” mentioned above. His only other complete fu compositions are “You tong fu” and “Da bin xi.” Although the latter piece is not titled fu, it is often included among Ban Gu’s fu writings. The other extant fu compositions are fragments. They include two pieces on fans, “Zhu shan fu” 竹扇賦 (Fu on a bamboo fan) and “Bai qi shan fu” 白綺扇賦 (Fu on a white silk fan). The latter piece contains only two lines. However, these are the earliest known fu on fans. The longest fragment is “Zhongnan shan fu” 終南山賦 (Fu on Zhongnan Mountain). This piece, which describes the Zhongnan peak located south of Chang’an, is one of the earliest extant poems on a mountain.

Ban Gu is also attributed with a number of song (eulogies) and ming (inscriptions). These include two eulogies for imperial progresses, the “Dong xun song” 東巡頌 (Eulogy on the eastern progress) written in 85 to celebrate the imperial visit to Mount Tai, and the “Nan xun song” 南巡頌 (Eulogy on the southern progress) possibly composed in 87 in honor of Emperor Zhang’s tour of an unspecified area in the south, perhaps the natal place of the Eastern Han founder Emperor Guangwu. Both of these pieces are fragments. The Guwen yuan includes under Ban Gu’s name what appears to be complete text of a eulogy written in praise of Dou Xian’s expedition undertaken in 89 against the Xiongnu. The piece has a close resemblance to the fu. The Guwen yuan also attributes to Ban Gu a stele inscription written for the precint station on the Si River where the Former Han founding ruler Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.) had served. It also includes a long set of inscriptions in praise of the eighteen marquises Liu Bang enfeoffed when he founded the Han dynasty.

Ban Gu is attributed with a pentasyllabic poem titled “Yong shi” 詠史. If genuine, this poem would be the earliest pentasyllabic poem on a historical theme. The earliest text is in Li Shan’s Wen xuan commentary (36.11a). It also is cited in the Shi ji commentary of Sima Zhen 司馬貞 (8th century). Zhong Rong also mentions it in his preface to the Shi pin, where he says that Ban Gu’s “Yong shi” was the only five-syllable line poem written during the 200-year span of the Later Han dynasty. However, some recent scholars have questioned the attribution to Ban Gu.

Ban Gu’s most famous work is the Han shu (q. v.).

David R. Knechtges


  • Collections

  • Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Ban Lantai ji 班蘭臺集. 4 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1583.

  • Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Ban Lantai ji 班蘭臺集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

  • Bai Jingsheng 白靜生, ed. and comm. Ban Lantai ji jiaozhu 班蘭臺集校注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1991.

  • Tu Yuanheng 涂元恆, ed. Han fu mingjia xuanxji: Ban Gu Zhang Heng 漢賦名家 選集: 班固張衡. Taipei: Han Xiang wenhua, 2001.

  • General Studies

  • Lo Tchen-ying. Les Formes et les methodes historiques en Chine. Une famille d’historiens et son oeuvre. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1931.

  • Zheng Hesheng 鄭鶴生. Ban Gu nianpu 班固年譜. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931.

  • Hughes, Ernest R. Two Chinese Poets. Vignettes of Han Life and Thought. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960.

  • Van der Sprenkel, Otto B. Pan Piao, Pan Ku, and the Han History. Occasional Paper no. 3, The Australian National University, Centre of Oriental Studies. Canberra: The Australian National University, 1964.

  • Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Han Ko to Chō Kō—sono sōzō taido no ishitsusei” 班固と張衡その創造態度の異質性. Obi hakashi taikyū kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 小尾博士退休紀念中國文學論集, 137–59. Hiroshima: Daiichi gakushusha, 1976.

  • An Zuozhang 安作璋. Ban Gu yu Han shu 班固與漢書. Ji’nan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1979; rpt. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1991.

  • Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “Han Ko no fu kan” 班固の賦觀. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō (1981: 1): 182–202.

  • Guo Yuheng 郭豫衡. “Ban Gu de sixiang he wenfeng” 班固的思想和文風. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1983: 1): 258–66.

  • Jiang Fan 蔣凡. “Ban Gu de wenxue sixiang” 班固的文學思想. Fudan xuebao (1985:2): 68–76. Rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 9): 67–75.

  • Feng Yixia 馮一下. “Ban Gu shengnian xianyi” 班固生年獻疑. Shixue shi yanjiu (1986: 2): 79.

  • Gong Kechang, “Ban Gu fu lun.” In Han fu yanjiu, 120–44.

  • Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Lun Ban Gu cifu guan” 論班固辭賦觀. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1988: 4): 34–37, 63.

  • Gong Kechang, “The Fu of Ban Gu.” In Studies on the Han Fu, 227–66.

  • Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Ban Gu qie fu shu” 班固竊父書. Shixue shi yanjiu (1993: 2):1–2, 14.

  • Chen Qitai 陳其泰. Zai jian feng bei: Ban Gu yu Han shu 再建豐碑: 班固與漢書. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1994.

  • An Zuozhang 安作璋. Ban Gu pingzhuan: Yi dai liang shi 班固評傳: 一代良史. Nanjing: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996.

  • Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. Zhongguo wenxue jia da cidian: Xian Qin Han Wei Nanbeichao juan, 320–21.

  • Meng Xiangcai 孟祥才. “Lun Ban Gu zhi si” 論班固之死. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1998: 2): 1–6.

  • Cao Jinhua 曹金華. “Cong Ma Dou zhi zheng kan Ban Gu deng ‘fan qian du’lunzhan de shizhi” 從馬竇之爭看班固等反遷都論戰的實質. Yangzhou daxuexuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1998: 2): 63–66.

  • Huang Jili 黃繼立. “Ban Gu fu lun yanjiu” 班固賦論研究. Yunhan xuekan 7 (2000):35–56.

  • Fang Shi 方是. “Ban Gu shengzu nian wenti” 班固生卒年問題. Shixue yanjiu (2000:1): 79–80.

  • Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 5–6.

  • Chen Qitai 陳其泰 and Zhao Yongchun 趙永春. Ban Gu pingzhuan 班固評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002.

  • Zongfan 踪凡. “Ban Gu Han fu yanjiu ping xi” 班固漢賦研究評析. Han fu yanjiushi lüe 漢賦研究史略, 134–52. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007.

  • Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Lun Banshi fuzuo de lishi chengjiu ji tese” 論班氏賦作的歷史成就及特色. Zhongguo fuxue 1 (2007): 126–53.

  • de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 6–7.

  • Clark, Anthony. Ban Gu’s History of Early China. Amherst, New York: Cambria Press, 2008.

  • Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Lun Ban Gu de ming” 論班固的銘. Wenxue yichan (2008: 4):120–23.

  • Chen Jun 陳君. “Cong Lantai wenren dao ‘Xian fu wenzhang’—Ban Gu de huanhaifuchen yu wenxue huodong” 從蘭臺文人到憲府文章”— 班固的宦海浮沉與文學活動. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2008: 3): 73–80.

  • Chen Jun 陳君. “Lun Handai Lantai wenren ji qi wenxue huodong” 論漢代蘭臺文人及其文學活動. Wenxue yichan (2008: 4): 32–39.

  • Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 121–28.

  • Major Works

  • a. “Youtong fu” 幽通賦 (Fu on communicating with the hidden)

  • Translations

  • von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 211–16.

  • Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 83–104.

  • Studies

  • Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “Yūtō no fu no seimei ni tsuite” 幽通賦の性命について. Hiroshima joshi daigaku bungakubu kiyō 14 (1979): 83–93.

  • Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Lun ‘You tong fu’ yu ‘Da bin xi’” 幽通賦答賓戲》. Changsha dianli xueyuan shehui kexue xuebao (1997: 4): 83–85, 100.

  • Zhang Hongjie 張鴻杰. “Ban Gu yu Anling—‘Youtong fu’ jiexie” 班固與安陵 — 《幽通賦解析. Xianyang shifan xueyuan xuebao 22.3 (2007): 39–41.

  • b. “Liang du fu” 兩都賦 (Fu on the two capitals)

  • Translations

  • Margouliès, LeFoudans le Wen-siuan, 31–74.

  • Hughes, Ernest R. Two Chinese Poets. Vignettes of Han Life and Thought. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960.

  • Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume One, 93–180.

  • Studies

  • Ho, Kenneth P. H 何沛雄. “Ban Gu ‘Xidu fu’ yu Handai Chang’an” 班固西都賦與漢代長安. Dalu zazhi 34.7 (1967): 11–19.

  • Knechtges, David R. “To Praise the Han: The Eastern Capital Fu of Pan Ku and His Contemporaries.” In W. L. Idema and E. Zürcher, eds. Thought and Law in Qin and Han China. Studies dedicated to Anthony Hulsewé on the occasion of his eightieth birthday, 118–39. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990.

  • Ho, Kenneth P. H. 何沛雄. “‘Liang du fu’ he ‘Erjing fu’ de lishi jiazhi” 《兩都賦二京賦》的歷史價值. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 15–20.

  • Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lüelun ‘Liang du fu’ he ‘Er jing fu’ 略論兩都賦二京賦》. Wenxue pinglun (1992: 3): 70–77; rpt. Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shilunwen ji xubian 中古文學史論文集續編, 13–27. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1994.

  • Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Ban Gu ‘Liang du fu’ zhuzhi kaobian” 班固兩都賦主旨考辨. Qiusuo (1998: 2): 111–13.

  • Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “‘Liang du’ ‘Erjing’ yishu bu” 《兩都》 、 《二京義疏補. Zhongguo wen zhe yanjiu jikan 13 (1999): 193–256; rpt. Chu Hsiao-hai, Xi fu zhuilun ji, 133–218.

  • Zhang Junfang 張軍芳. “Ban Gu de wenxue guannian yu ‘Liang du fu’ chuangzuo” 班固的文學觀念與兩都賦創作. Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (1999: 1):80–82.

  • Liu Pei 劉培. “Dong Han lun du fu neiyun de yanbian” 東漢論都賦內蘊的演變. Dongyue luncong 22.2 (2001): 130–33.

  • Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “‘Liang du fu’ de chuangzuo beijing tizhi ji yingxiang” 《兩都賦的創作背景體制及影響. Wenxue pinglun (2003: 1): 71–79.

  • Xu Haowen 徐好文. “Cong Ban Gu de ‘Liang du fu’ kan Han dafu de tizhi” 從班固的兩都賦漢大賦的體制. Gansu lianhe daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.4 (2005): 35–38.

  • Chang Sen 常森. “Liang du fu’ xinlun” 《兩都賦新論. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 44.1 (2007): 68–80.

  • Wang Dehua 王德華. “Dong Han qianqi jingdu fu chuangzuo shijian ji zhengzhi beijing kaolun” 東漢前期京都賦創作時間及政治背景考論. Wenxue pinglun (2008: 2): 17–24.

  • c. Bohu tong 白虎通 (Comprehensive discussion in the White Tiger Hall)

  • Editions

  • Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 2 juan. Gujin yishi (1571–1576).

  • Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu (1592).

  • Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 4 juan. Zeng ding Han Wei congshu (1791–1792).

  • Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 10 juan. Sibu congkan. Claims to be based on a Song edition.

  • Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 10 juan. Sui an Xu shi congshu xu bian.

  • Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717–1796) and Zhuang Shuzu 莊述祖 (1751–1816). Bo hu tong 白虎通. 4 juan. Bao jing tang congshu 抱經堂叢書.

  • Chen Li 陳立 (1809–1869). Bo hu tong shuzheng 白虎通疏證. 12 juan. Preface dated 1832. Rpt. with punctuation by Wu Zeyu 吳則虞. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994.

  • Liu Shipei 劉師培 (1884–1919). “Bo hu tong de lun bushi” 白虎通德論補釋. Guo-cui xuebao 72–74 (1910); rpt. Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu 劉申叔先生遺書, 2: 1341–50. Taipei: Taiwan daxin shuju, 1965.

  • Liu Shipei 劉師培. “Bo hu tong de lun jiaobu” 白虎通德論斠補. Rpt. Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu, 2: 1261–1305.

  • Concordances and Indexes

  • Bo hu tong yinde 白虎通引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Eries No. 2.1931; rpt. Taipei: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Center, 1966.

  • Itō Tomoatsu 伊藤倫厚 et al., ed. Byakkotsū sakuin 白虎通索引. Tokyo: Tōhō shoten, 1979.

  • Bo hu tong zhuzi suoyin 白虎通逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

  • Translation

  • Som, Tjan Tjoe (1903–1969). Po hu t’ung, the Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall. 2 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1949.

  • Studies

  • Hung, William 洪業. Prolegomena to Bo hu tong yinde 白虎通引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Eries No. 2.1931; rpt. Taipei: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Center, 1966.

  • Jin Dejian 金德建. “Bai hu guan yu yi zhuru xuepai kao” 白虎觀與議諸儒學派考. Zhiyan banyuekan 59 (1939); rpt. in Jin Dejian. Guji congkao 古籍叢考, 139–56. Kunming: Zhonghua shuju, 1941.

  • Jin Dejian 金德建. “Bo hu tong yi yu Wang Chong Lunheng zhi guanxi” 《白虎通義與王充論衡之關係. In Jin Dejian. Guji congkao 古籍叢考, 157–66. Kunming: Zhonghua shuju, 1941.

  • Hentona Tomokuni 邊土名朝邦. “Byakko tsūgi kenkyū josetsu—aratana shiza omotometa” 『白虎通義』 研究序說—新たな視座をもてめた. Chūgoku tetsugakukenkyū ronshū: Araki kyōju taikyū kinen 中國哲學研究論叢: 荒木教授退休記念, 203–24. Fukuoka-shi: Ashi shobō, 1981.

  • Lin Lixue 林麗雪. “Bo hu tong yu chenwei” 《白虎通與讖緯. Kong Meng yuekan 255 (1983): 21–26.

  • Yu Dunkang 余敦康. “Liang Han shiqi de jingxue he Bai hu guan huiyi” 兩漢時期的經學和白虎觀會議. Zhongguo zhexue 12 (1984): 87–105.

  • Lin Lixue 林麗雪. “Youguan Bo hu tong de zhulu ji jiaokan zhu wenti” 有關白虎通的著錄及校勘諸問題. Kong Meng yuekan 292.4 (1986): 33–35.

  • Yasui Kōzan 安居香山. “Bai hu guan huiyi he chenwei shu sixiang” 白虎觀會議和讖緯書思想. In Xin Guanjie 辛冠潔. Riben xuezhe lun Zhongguo zhexue shi 日本學者論中國哲學史, 233–39. Banqiao: Luotuo chubanshe, 1987.

  • Kageyama Terukuni 影山輝國. “Byakkotsū senja shomei kō” 「白虎通義撰者書名攷. Jissen kokubungaku 37 (1990): 36–50; 39 (1991): 83–91; 41 (1992).

  • Li Shuyou 李書有. “Wei shu he Bo hu tong zhong de lunli sixiang” 緯書和白虎通中的倫理思想. In Li Shuyou. Zhongguo rujia sixiang fazhan shi 中國儒家思想發展史, 177–89. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992.

  • Loewe, Michael. “Pai hu t’ung 白虎通. In Michael Loewe, ed. Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 347–56. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993.

  • Zhou Deliang 周德良. “Bo hu tong chenwei sixiang zhi lishi yanjiu” 《白虎通》 讖緯思想之歷史研究z. M. A. Thesis, Danjiang daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1997.

  • Zhou Deliang 周德良. “Huanrao Bo hu tong wenben zhi zhu wenti” 環繞白虎通文本之諸問題. Kong Meng xuebao 81 (2003): 243–75.

  • Zhou Deliang 周德良. Bo hu tong ji Han li yanjiu 白虎通暨漢禮研究. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 2007.

  • Xiang Jinwei 向晉衛. Bo hu tong yi: sixiang de lishi yanjiu 白虎通義: 思想的歷史研究. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2007.

  • d. “Da bin xi” 答賓戲 (Replying to a guest’s jests)

  • Studies

  • Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State Political Rhetorics in Third and Fourth Century China, 63–64, 81–82. Leiden: Brill, 1998.

  • Li Nailong 李乃龍. “Lun Wen xuan ‘Shelun’ lei de wenti tezheng” 文選》 “設論類的文體特徵. Changjiang xueshu (2008: 4): 25–32.

  • Song Hongxia 宋紅霞. “Ban Gu ‘Da bin xi’ dui shelun ti zhuti pipan jiazhi de jiegou” 班固答賓戲》 對設論體主題批判價值的結構. Qi Lu xuekan 206.5 (2008):111–15.

  • e. “Dian yin” 典引 (Elaboration on the canon)

  • Translation

  • von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 905–12.

  • f. “Yanran shan ming” 燕然山銘 (Inscription on the ceremonial mounding of Mount Yanran)

  • Translations

  • von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 976–77.

  • Yang, Suh-jen. “The Literary Merits of the Han (206 b. c. –a.d. 220) Stele Inscription.” Ph. D. diss., University of Washington, 2007, 34–38.

  • g. “Yong shi” 詠史 (Poem on history)

  • Translations

  • Donald Holzman, “Les premiers Vers pentasyllabiques dates dans la poésie chinoise,” 88–92.

  • Stephen Owen, The Making of Early Chinese Classical Poetry, 255.

  • Studies

  • Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Han Ko no ‘Eishi shi’ ni tsuite” 班固の詠史詩について. Kanda hakushi kanreki shoshigaku ronshū 神田博士還曆記念論集, Kanda hakushi kanreki kinenkai 神田博士還曆記念會, ed. Japan: Kanda hakushi kanreiki kinenkai, 1957; rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 吉川幸次郎全集, 6: 256–65. Tōkyō: Chikuma shobō, 1968–1970.

  • Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Han Ko kashi o meguru mondai” 班固歌詩をめぐる問題. Gakurin 1 (1983): 1–12; rpt. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū 魏晉詩壇の研究, 80–90. Kyoto: Chūgoku geimon kenkyūkai, 1995.

  • Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Ban Gu ‘Yong shi’ shi de zhenshixing zhiyi” 班固詠史詩的真實性質疑. Changsha shuidian shiyuan shehui kexue xubao (1996: 2): 47–51.

  • Wu Xiaoping 吳小平. “Lun Ban Gu ‘Yong shi’ shi de shige yiyi” 論班固詠史詩的詩歌意義. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1999: 2): 126–31; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1999: 9): 58–63.

  • Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Lun Ban Gu de ‘Yong shi shi’ yu wenren wuyan shi de fazhanchengshou wenti” 論班固的詠史詩與文人五言詩的發展成熟問題. Zhou Han shige zong lun, 292–307.

Ban Gu” Brill’s Chinese Reference Shelf. Brill Online, 2018. Reference. . 18 Oct 2018 < >